• Adobe has released emergency updates to fix a critical security flaw in Acrobat Reader that has come under active exploitation in the wild. The vulnerability, assigned the CVE identifier CVE-2026-34621, carries a CVSS score of 8.6 out of 10.0. Successful exploitation of the flaw could allow an attacker to run malicious code on affected installations. It has been described as

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

  • The U.S. government has an offensive cyber wish list, and the private sector is already bidding. Many federal contractors back the effort, though they still have deeper questions about semantics and where offense ends and defense begins.

    Terms like “disruption,” “cyber effects” and “defensive operations” were flung around in discussions at the RSAC Conference in San Francisco last month, one of the largest cybersecurity gatherings in the world. In discussions during and after the conference, Nextgov/FCW sought to learn how industry players perceive the vision under President Donald Trump to punch back harder against cyber adversaries, and how those industry leaders might contribute to the cause.

    For the past year, industry executives and U.S. officials in closed-door meetings have weighed the concept of enlisting private sector cyber titans to hack for the government, inspired by the centuries-old practice of letters of marque and reprisal that made waves in the old days of naval warfare. But last month, National Cyber Director Sean Cairncross appeared to pour cold water on the concept.

    He told audience members at an event that there’s “an enormous amount of capability on the private sector side,” but that he’s “not talking about private sector, industry or companies engaged in a cyber offensive campaign.”

    Cairncross said he wants to use the “ability of our private sector … to inform and share information so that the [U.S. government] can respond” either defensively or in a more agile way to enemy hackers. His remarks came after the release of Trump’s national cyber strategy, whose first pillar focuses on ways to create obstacles for foreign state cyber operatives and criminal hackers.

    But nearly a dozen interviews with industry stakeholders and former officials indicate that it remains an open question where companies draw the line on cyber offense and where the government does. The boundaries around offensive cyber are often blurred, and the private sector is still trying to learn its place. That uncertainty leaves more questions than answers about how offensive cyber operations should be structured, regulated and integrated into a broader U.S. national security strategy.

    New market force

    There’s consensus among security leaders that the private sector doesn’t want to be deployed for offensive hacking, said Adam Marrè, chief information security officer at Arctic Wolf. The talk of “hacking back” comes up every five to ten years, he said, but those talks break down every time for a number of reasons, mainly because of legal and ethical concerns.

    Still, there’s no indication that the global cybersecurity environment is calming. Foreign adversaries would “absolutely” want access to powerful exploits that can steal information or wreak havoc on systems, Marrè said. 

    “[Adversaries] are mainly worried about what’s effective. So if it works, and if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it,” he said. “But if I can find a more exotic exploit that is going to allow me to have more access or access without being detected, or be able to get to somewhere I haven’t been able to get before, 100% they’re going to be looking for that."

    Governments across the world are hankering for the latest and greatest hacking tools, said Elad Schulman, CEO of Lasso Security. 

    “If we are not developing capabilities, our enemies are developing those capabilities,” he said. “That is why we need to assume that, at any point in time, someone will find and use exploits against us.”

    For years, companies have helped develop special technologies for the U.S. government’s secret cyber missions. But the new White House cyber strategy’s offensive focus sets a tone for companies and their investors, said Rob Joyce, the NSA’s former cybersecurity director. 

    “There’s been companies that are defense industrial base firms that know how to sell to the government, and there’s been some very boutique cyber companies that sell into the military cyber and intel community,” he said. “But this has the whole community and people out here in Silicon Valley who are not government-adjacent talking about ideas that they can help with in offensive cyber. I think it changes that ecosystem a little bit.”

    Joyce is now a venture partner at DataTribe, which invests in early-stage cybersecurity companies often led by people who worked in the intelligence community. He said the government is in the market for an array of cyber capabilities, including vulnerability scanning, exploit development, tooling to analyze cyber threat data and digital infrastructure to obscure the origin of covert cyber operations.

    Last week, the cybersecurity world was sent into shock when Anthropic revealed it was holding back a powerful frontier AI model that could find previously undiscovered vulnerabilities at mass scale. The intelligence community is already eyeing its capabilities, Nextgov/FCW reported.

    Still operating defensively

    Many practitioners are advising the cyber ecosystem to invest in defensive measures, regardless of the White House’s more offensive posture.

    “Being a defender, an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure,” said Ryan Anschutz, the incident response lead at IBM’s X-Force threat intelligence arm and a former FBI official. “A defensive prevention perspective, I think, would have more of an impact … than offensive capabilities, which, quite frankly, some arms of the federal government—their offensive capabilities far surpass the private sector.”

    Even among companies that simulate adversary cyberattacks to improve network defenses, known formally as red-teaming, the definition of “offensive hacking” can get fuzzy.

    “Would you classify offensive hacking as going out and fingerprinting the threat that was attacking you to gain the threat intelligence?” Anschutz said. “Is that offensive? Where does that change? Where’s the line drawn between what is offensive and what’s not offensive?”

    The answer depends on who you ask. 

    Hacking back, in the sense of breaking into adversaries’ computer systems for data and geopolitical intelligence, takes a level of access that only belongs in the government space, said another industry executive that works closely with the intelligence community on cyber matters.

    Google’s threat intelligence arm recently came out swinging with discussions of its new disruption unit, though executives soon quashed the notion that the unit is “offensive” in any way, arguing that removing infrastructure that hackers sit on is a defensive move that impedes their forward operations onto U.S. and allied systems.

    Some companies are building out advanced defensive cyber solutions at as rapid a pace as the offensive market, a sign that a more capable offense is driving equally urgent demand for stronger digital shielding.

    “We had just seen too many examples over and over again of how burned out these poor kids in these security operations centers are, how just overwhelmed at the enormity of all the alerts, all the boxes always flashing red,” said Bill MacMillan, a former CIA official and now the chief product officer at security operations center solutions provider Andesite.

    “We have to transform. We have to adopt this technology because this is the threat environment and the resource environment that we’re operating in,” he said.

    Considering new frameworks

    The offensive philosophy in Washington, D.C., has made some cyber experts weigh the pros and cons of the current legal environment that facilitates hacking activities.

    The NSA, Cyber Command and others are permitted to take more aggressive cyber actions to stop foreign adversaries and criminal hacker gangs. This week, the FBI said it covertly sent shutdown commands to kick Russian state-backed hackers out of thousands of routers housed in organizations around the world.

    The move, like many FBI takedowns of digital infrastructure, required court authorization. More broadly, some of the most sensitive intelligence operations do not rely on a standard U.S. court warrant at all.

    Even so, private companies lack those authorities. They may build the capabilities used in cyber operations, but—like a defense contractor manufacturing a missile—the decision to deploy them and the consequences that follow rest with the government, not the company.

    But what happens if a firm is hacked and wants to take action? There’s room to discuss “stand-your-ground” laws that could permit companies to respond to intrusions, at least to a certain degree, said Philip George, executive technical strategist at Merlin Cyber.

    “Obviously, there are some authority issues and some rules of engagement concerns, and we don’t necessarily want everyone returning fire or preemptively thwarting an attack,” he said. But if attacked in cyberspace, “what’s the extent that I can return fire, to at least take down infrastructure that may be targeting me?”

    Asked if such a legal authority constitutes a counter-attack, he clarified it as a “counter-action” or “counter-response” because the former term carries “a lot of weight.”

    Some serious conversations will need to be had about the future of legal measures under this offensive posture, said John Fokker, head of threat intelligence at Trellix and a former official in the Dutch National Police’s High-Tech Crime Unit.

    “If authorities are operating in the grey area with certain private sector entities, I’d much rather define and start talking about that grey area,” he said.

    Information-sharing between the public and private sectors—a cornerstone of modern efforts to stop cyberattacks—should also continue, he said, though he argued the process should be streamlined given the number of existing groups.

    But one executive said they expect the U.S. government will ultimately find ways to involve private contractors in offensive cyber operations, even as the administration publicly draws limits.

    “I believe that the government will contract for cyber operations under carefully crafted contracts,” said Kevin Spease, president at ISSE Services. “It simply depends on how you define it.”

    He pointed to past U.S. conflicts where private firms supported offensive missions, arguing cyber operations could follow a similar path.

    The rationale, Spease added, comes down to capability. The government, in both civilian and defense agencies, already predominantly relies on technology made by the private sector for day-to-day operations.

    “The private companies have far better expertise,” he said. “Sometimes it’s easier to have a contractor do it.”

    ]]>

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

  • Signal messages may persist in iPhone notification data, enabling FBI access even after deletion, a court case reveals.

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

  • Google adds Device Bound Session Credentials (DBSC) to Chrome 146, using hardware keys to block infostealer use of stolen session cookies on Windows.

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

  • President Donald Trump’s threats to destroy power plants and bridges in Iran before saying he was prepared for a “whole civilization” to die have renewed questions about what constitutes an illegal order and what, if any, repercussions officials could face for committing war crimes.  

    The issue originally surged to the forefront last year when the Trump administration repeatedly struck boats in the Caribbean officials alleged were carrying illegal drugs. Democratic lawmakers with backgrounds in the military and intelligence community then published a video reminding troops they “can” and “must refuse illegal orders.”

    “No one has to carry out orders that violate the law or our Constitution. We know this is hard and that it’s a difficult time to be a public servant,” they said. “But whether you’re serving in the CIA, in the Army, or Navy, or the Air Force, your vigilance is critical.”

    The issue of legal versus illegal military orders surfaced again this week when Trump escalated his threats against Iran, leading to bipartisan condemnation from members of Congress before he gave that country’s leaders two more weeks to negotiate.

    But what exactly violates international law or rises to the level of a war crime is often murky, as is who would be willing to prosecute U.S. troops, according to experts interviewed by States Newsroom. 

    Rachel E. VanLandingham, professor of law at Southwestern Law School in Los Angeles and a former judge advocate in the U.S. Air Force, said that “at the end of the day, the law of war does allow for a great deal of violence and a great deal of civilian suffering.” 

    But several of the threats Trump has made, including to destroy power plants and bridges in Iran, would likely violate the law if the military were to carry them out, she said. 

    “Under no stretch of interpretation would that be lawful, right? Because that just fails to distinguish whatsoever the civilian objects versus lawful military objectives, even if we stretch the definition of what's a lawful military objective,” VanLandingham said. 

    The boat strikes in the Caribbean, including the decision to order a second strike on two survivors, could also have been illegal, she said. 

    VanLandingham doesn’t expect the Trump administration will hold anyone accountable for actions the military has already taken or may take. But she noted there is no statute of limitations on the charges that would likely apply under the Uniform Code of Military Justice for military members or the War Crimes Act for anyone not subject to the military justice system.

    “The next administration could come in and investigate our service members for alleged war crimes. And they should, to demonstrate renewed fidelity to U.S. law, to the law of war,” she said. 

    Congress doesn’t have the authority to prosecute anyone for violating the law, but could hold oversight hearings with Defense Department officials, a scenario that would become more likely if one or both chambers return to Democratic control following the November midterm elections. 

    “They can have public, open hearings and drag in every single military member that was involved in the chain of command of orders for striking Iran, if they wanted to,” VanLandingham. “That's not a criminal prosecution, but it's transparency.”

    Lawmakers could also provide more funding and require the Pentagon to reinstitute the Civilian Harm Mitigation Program, which she said “the Trump administration has gutted.”

    Geneva Conventions

    Leila Sadat, the James Carr Professor of International Criminal Law at WashU Law School in St. Louis, Missouri, said that in a situation where the president directs the military to violate the laws of war, it’s highly unlikely military commanders or the Department of Justice would then turn around and prosecute those actions. 

    Even if a prosecutor were to try, Trump would likely be insulated from any domestic prosecution for “official acts.” And as president he could issue preemptive pardons for any military members he believes could face future prosecution, either in the military or civilian justice system.

    Trump has a history of absolving military members accused of violating military law, including in 2019, when he pardoned two officers in the Army for actions in Afghanistan and restored the rank of a Navy Seal who had been demoted for his conduct in Iraq. Trump later pardoned four contractors for killing more than a dozen Iraqi civilians in 2007.

    But those protections only apply within the United States. 

    The Geneva Conventions’ provision on universal jurisdiction would apply internationally and any country could choose to prosecute. 

    “Now you still have to catch them, you have to get the evidence, but every state in the world is a party to the Geneva Conventions,” Sadat said. “So committing violations of the Geneva Conventions by attacking civilian objects, by attacking marketplaces, or hospitals, or schools, or electrical infrastructure, those kind of crimes can be prosecuted by every country in the world. So people should think about it before they do it.”

    France, Germany, and Sweden have all used the principle of universal jurisdiction to prosecute Syrians for crimes they committed during the war in their home country, she said. 

    “The one debate is, do you have to have the person on your territory before you can go forward? Or can you do an investigation even if the person is not on your territory?” Sadat said. “And many have argued that you can do the investigation even if the individual is not on your territory. Different countries have different rules on whether they accept trials in absentia.”

    Sadat said that gets a bit more complicated when the Status of Forces Agreements that give the U.S. jurisdiction over alleged wrongdoing by U.S. troops in dozens of countries come into play. 

    Sadat, who was a special adviser on Crimes Against Humanity to the International Criminal Court Prosecutor from 2012 through 2021, said if the U.S. military were to carry out some or all of the threats Trump posted to social media, that could have led countries to reconsider those agreements. 

    "It could create a huge security problem for the United States eventually. And that's why I hope calmer heads are prevailing. Saying, 'You know, there's an entire complex web of treaties and agreements,'" she said. 

    Trump would also likely pressure countries not to try U.S. military members for violating international law, but he may not always be successful, she said.  

    "Eventually there's going to be a country in which that's not going to work,” Sadat said. “And so that's why you really do have to think of this a little bit differently, because there are external forces and external actors that could decide we're going to enforce the law, even if the United States is not going to enforce the law.”

    Investigating US forces

    Susana Sacouto, director of the War Crimes Research Office at American University’s Washington College of Law, said the Geneva Conventions require the U.S. to “investigate and … deal with alleged violations of the law of war by its own forces.”

    How well that works in practice has “varied over time,” she said. 

    "The problem is, we have an architecture, but those cases, particularly the criminal cases, are really exceptional, and they're really exceptional, especially regarding senior officials," Sacouto said. "So there's been a lot of criticism about whether that architecture that exists is actually functioning to routinely investigate our own military actions for potential war crimes or (international humanitarian law) violations." 

    There is the possibility a future presidential administration may have defense officials or the Department of Justice look into allegations that emerge during the Trump administration. But Sacouto said, “past history with respect to accountability for U.S. officials, especially senior officials, is not very encouraging.”

    Congressional investigations into the Central Intelligence Agency’s use of torture in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks is one example Sacouto pointed to of a long-term investigation that did not lead to any high-level prosecutions. 

    “Even then, no senior officials were really ultimately held accountable for their role in that program,” she said. “There were lower-level Abu Ghraib prosecutions, but no senior-level folks were found accountable.”

    ]]>

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

  • Google has officially launched a major security upgrade to protect users from session hijacking. Starting with Chrome version 146 for Windows users, Device Bound Session Credentials (DBSC) is now publicly available. This new feature aims to stop malware from stealing web cookies and using them to bypass passwords and multi-factor authentication. Support for macOS users […]

    The post Google Locks Chrome Sessions to Devices to Stop Cookie Theft appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

  • Hungarian domestic intelligence, the national police in El Salvador, and several U.S. law enforcement and police departments have been attributed to the use of an advertising-based global geolocation surveillance system called Webloc. The tool was developed by Israeli company Cobwebs Technologies and is now sold by its successor Penlink after the two firms merged in July 2023

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

  • In a groundbreaking technical report released by Gambit Security researcher Eyal Sela, new details have emerged about a massive cyberattack targeting government infrastructure. A single threat actor successfully leveraged artificial intelligence platforms to breach nine Mexican government agencies. The campaign, which operated from late December 2025 through mid-February 2026, resulted in the exfiltration of hundreds […]

    The post Claude and ChatGPT Exploited in Sweeping Cyber Campaign Against Government Agencies appeared first on GBHackers Security | #1 Globally Trusted Cyber Security News Platform.

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

  • ShinyHunters claims access to Rockstar Games Snowflake data via Anodot breach, threatening a data leak on April 14 if ransom demands are not met.

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

  • Android banking trojan linked to Cambodia scam compounds uses forced labour to target users in 21 countries, bypassing security to steal funds.

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶

    ¶¶¶¶¶